Patrick Ruffini gives a breakdown of vote totals for the Republican candidates yesterday:
McCain 3,016,739
Romney 2,369,027
Huckabee 1,610,951
That breaks down to roughly 40% McCain, 32% Romney, 22% Huckabee. Many will say that this shows a majority of Conservative voters don’t like McCain. But that’d disregarding actual figures that show a majority of Huckabee’s supporters think more highly of McCain than they do of Romney.
Using Pew’s figures from earlier this week, if Huckabee’s votes split on the 67/31 favorable break down between McCain and Romney, the results would look more like this:
McCain 3,999,419 (55%)
Romney 3,245,567 (45%)
Looks like a majority, doesn’t it?
The thing is, as much as people want to push back against McCain and question his Conservative roots, Romney isn’t exactly emerging as the standard bearer. People aren’t entirely comfortable with Romney’s brand of Conservatism or how long he’s truly subscribed to it. Huckabee hits the right notes with social conservatives, but fiscally comes across as Jimmy Carter with a Rev. before his name.
As much as it may pain those trying to push back against John McCain, there is a Conservative argument that can be made for him, as Jeff Jacoby made in the Boston Globe over the weekend:
On the surpassing national-security issues of the day – confronting the threat from radical Islam and winning the war in Iraq – no one is more stalwart. Even McCain’s fiercest critics, such as conservative radio host Hugh Hewitt, will say so. “The world’s bad guys,” Hewitt writes, “would never for a moment think he would blink in any showdown, or hesitate to strike back at any enemy with the audacity to try again to cripple the US through terror.”
McCain was never an agenda-driven movement conservative, but he “entered public life as a foot soldier in the Reagan Revolution,” as he puts it, and on the whole his record has been that of a robust and committed conservative. He is a spending hawk and an enemy of pork and earmarks. He has never voted to increase taxes, and wants the Bush tax cuts made permanent for the best of reasons: “They worked.” He is a staunch free-trader and a champion of school choice. He is unabashedly prolife and pro-Second Amendment. He opposes same-sex marriage. He wants entitlements reined in and personal retirement accounts expanded.
McCain’s conservatism has usually been more a matter of gut instinct than of a rigorous intellectual worldview, and he has certainly deviated from Republican orthodoxy on some serious issues. For all that, his ratings from conservative watchdog groups have always been high. “Even with all the blemishes,” notes National Review, a leading journal on the right (and a backer of Romney), “McCain has a more consistent conservative record than Giuliani or Romney. . . . This is an abiding strength of his candidacy.”
As a lifelong conservative, I wish McCain evinced a greater understanding that limited government is indispensable to individual liberty. Yet there is no candidate in either party who so thoroughly embodies the conservatism of American honor and tradition as McCain, nor any with greater moral authority to invoke it. For all his transgressions and backsliding, McCain radiates integrity and steadfastness, and if his heterodox stands have at times been infuriating, they also attest to his resolve. Time and again he has taken an unpopular stand and stuck with it, putting his career on the line when it would have been easier to go along with the crowd.
A perfect conservative he isn’t. But he is courageous and steady, a man of character and high standards, a genuine hero. If “the House that Reagan Built” is to be true to its best and highest ideals, it will unite behind John McCain.
When you look at the greatest issues facing this nation today (War on Terror, Economy, Education), McCain stands strong, stronger than the rest of the field. Conservatives can get behind that, but first those who aren’t convinced have to see through the “Anyone But McCain” fog.
UPDATE: Time dissects the numbers for both sides.